Polish-Ukrainian relations can be traced to the 16th-17th centuries in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the often turbulent relations between that state and the mostly polonized nobility (szlachta) and the Cossacks.<\/p>\n
The next stage would be the relations in the years 1918-1920, in the aftermath of World War I, which saw both the Polish-Ukrainian War and the Polish-Ukrainian alliance. The interwar period would eventually see independent Poland while the Ukrainians had no state of their own, being divided between Poland and the Soviet Union. This led to a deterioration of Polish-Ukrainian relations, and would result in a flare-up of ethnic tensions during and immediately after World War II (massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Operation Vistula being the most infamous).<\/p>\n
While this left the Polish-Ukrainian relations in the mid-20th century in a relatively poor state, there was little meaningful and independent diplomacy and contact between the People’s Republic of Poland and the Ukrainian SSR. The situation changed significantly with the fall of communism, when both Poland and Ukraine became fully independent and could once again decide on foreign policies of their own.<\/p>\n
On October 13, 1990 Poland and Ukraine agreed to the “Declaration on the foundations and general directions in the development of Polish-Ukrainian relations”. Article 3 of this declaration said that neither country has any territorial claims against the other, and will not bring any in the future. Both countries promised to respect the rights of national minorities on their territories and to improve the situation of minorities in their countries.<\/strong> This declaration re-affirmed the historic and ethnic ties between Poland and Ukraine, containing a reference to “the ethnic and cultural kinship of the Polish and Ukrainian peoples”.<\/p>\n Support for Ukrainian sovereignty has become an important component of Polish foreign policy. Poland strongly supported the peaceful and democratic resolution of the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, and has backed NATO-Ukraine cooperation (such as the Lithuanian\u2013Polish\u2013Ukrainian Brigade), as well as Ukraine’s efforts to join the European Union.<\/p>\n FOLLOWING the worst day of bloodshed in Kiev on February 20th, one of Warsaw\u2019s Stalinist buildings, the palace of science and culture, was bathed in blue and yellow light, the colours of the Ukrainian flag. Recently, Polish postal service announced that packages with supplies for Ukraine could be sent free of charge. These are just two of countless gestures of solidarity in Poland since the protests in Kiev began.<\/p>\n For many Poles, events in Kiev brought back memories of the introduction of martial law in Poland in 1981.<\/p>\n \u201cThere can be no free Poland without a free Ukraine,\u201d according to a well-worn phrase by J\u00f3zef Pi\u0142sudski, Poland\u2019s interwar strongman. Poland, along with Canada, was the first country to recognise Ukraine\u2019s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and has since been a leading advocate of closer relations between Kiev and Brussels. Most recently, Rados\u0142aw Sikorski, Poland\u2019s foreign minister, has been praised for his role in brokering a deal on February 21st between Mr Yanukovych and the opposition, along with his German and French counterparts.<\/p>\n Donald Tusk, the Polish prime minister, has warned the \u201cworld stands on the brink of conflict\u201d over Ukraine, and that \u201cEurope must send a clear signal it will not tolerate any acts of aggression of intervention.\u201d<\/p>\n The warning came in a speech made by Mr Tusk at a specially-convened press conference and expressed Poland\u2019s growing alarm at the situation in its neighbour.<\/p>\n \u201cThe world stands on the brink of conflict, the consequences of which are not foreseen,\u201d said the prime minister.<\/p>\n \u201cNot everyone in Europe is aware of this situation”.<\/p>\n \u201cUkrainians have to find out today that they have real friends,\u201d Mr Tusk continued. \u201cEurope must send a clear signal that it will not tolerate any acts of aggression or intervention.\u201d<\/p>\n Russia’s use of force in Ukraine has triggered mounting anxiety in Poland, which, given its bloody treatment at the hands of Moscow in the past, still views the Kremlin with deep and ingrained suspicion.<\/strong><\/p>\n Bronis\u0142aw Komorowski, the Polish president, has called for the North Atlantic Council to convene in an emergency session saying “we [Poles] can feel threatened by the potential use of Russian armed forces on Ukrainian territory.”<\/p>\n USA also is involved. The Pentagon will send a dozen F-16 fighters and 300 troops to Poland to reinforce U.S. commitment to defending its allies in Eastern Europe as thousands of Russian forces appeared to tighten their grip on parts of Ukraine, officials said Wednesday.<\/p>\n The expanded U.S. deployment is the largest on the territory of a NATO ally since the Ukraine crisis began last month, sparking fears of a broader regional conflict.<\/p>\n The U.S. military move in Poland, which has been under discussion with officials in Warsaw since last week, is a \u201cdeliberate choice to demonstrate to our allies that U.S. commitments to our collective defense responsibilities are credible and remain in force,\u201d said Col. Steve Warren, a Pentagon spokesman.<\/p>\n The aircraft, part of 555th Fighter Squadron based in Aviano, Italy, are expected to arrive this week at Lask Air Base in Poland and are staying indefinitely, the Pentagon said. The 300 troops are primarily Air Force support personnel.<\/p>\n Last week, the Pentagon sent four F-15 planes to Lithuania to expand patrolling of airspace around the Baltic region, raising the number of U.S. fighters in that country to 10.<\/p>\n Do nast<\/b>\u0119pnego razu… <\/b>(Till next time…)<\/p>\n \n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Polish-Ukrainian relations can be traced to the 16th-17th centuries in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the often turbulent relations between that state and the mostly polonized nobility (szlachta) and the Cossacks. The next stage would be the relations in the years 1918-1920, in the aftermath of World War I, which saw both the Polish-Ukrainian War and…<\/p>\n